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SERMON, 

PREACHED AT 

LITTLE TON, MASS A CH USE T TS\ 

ON THE 30TH OF NOVEMBER, 1809 \ 
BEING THE 

DAY OF ANNUAL THANKSGIVING. 



a-= 



BY EDMUND "FOSTER, A.M. 

PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN LITTLETON. 




AMHERST, N. H. 
PRINTED BY RICHARD BOYLSTON. 

1810. 



£ — • 3 / o 

.F76" 



a. 



SEJRMON. 



I HAVE bat little disposition, and as little 
encouragement to speak on this public occasion, 
unless you are prepared to hear : For whenever it 
shall happen, that the speaker does not care ; and 
the hearer does not care j it must verily all be a 
careless-piece of business,. 

PSALM 2d, lith. 
Rejoice with trembling* 

It is one excellence of the holy scriptures, 
that they instruct us how to balance and regulate 
all our passions and affections. They allow us to 
indulge ourselves in the exercise of one affection 
or passion rather than in another, according as our 
circumstances in life vary, and as our minds are 
differently affected by the providence of God. Is 
any among you afflicted, let him pray. Is any mer- 
ry, let him sing psalms. As the scenes of life are 
various and mixed, many duties towards God, our 
neighbour and ourselves, rise out of circumstances. 
And what is very proper and becoming us to do 
at one time, is very indecent for us to do at another. 
To every thing there is a season ; and a time for 
every purpose under the heaven. But in all situa- 
tions and on all occasions, temper and practice 



should be regulated by reason and religion. Joy 
and sorrow are to be tempered by consideration : 
Hope may be limited by fear, and fear alleviated by 
hope. These remarks are applicable to us in all the 
mixture of good and evil with whichjife is filled up. 
Mercies mingled with afflictions will excite a mix- 
ture of feelings in the human heart. The bitter 
and the sweet will be distinctly tasted in the cup of 
human joy. The mind is equally impressed with 
light and shade; and joy and sorrow, hope and fear 
generally rise within us in proportion as the scenes of 
life appear to brighten or to gather blackness. 

These observations lead us into the very spirit of 
our text ; and teach us how to understand and ap- 
>ply these words — rejoice with trembling. 

The doctrine which flows from the text, allows us 
to rejoice in all present good, and in hope of all that 
can be rationally expected in the future ; but it also 
cautions us against letting our joy in any present 
good run to excess, and to divert our thoughts from 
the precariousness of the possession, and of the 
evils and troubles which may overtake us amidst 
our highest enjoyments. It also admonishes us 
against rejoicing too much in the prospect of things 
future and unpossessed, because we may never at- 
tain to the actual possession of them. Such instruc- 
tions from the Father of Mercies are wisely adapt- 
ed to us in the present mutable state of things. 
They are applicable to individuals and societies, and 
even to whole republics and nations of men. 

It is natural and lawful for men to begin their 
thanksgivings r*nd rejoicings from some personal 



considerations, and from thence to extend their af:' 
tions to others connected with them by nature, inter- 
est and privileges. Our existence is both a blessing 
and a privilege, and in the contemplation of it, our 
thoughts are quickly led up to the great Author of 
our being and the giver of every good and perfect 
gift. Our capacities and advantages for. improve- 
ment add much to the value of our existence. Had 
we ranked with those irrational creatures which are 
utterly insensible to all the beauties and perfections 
of God and his works, we should have differed but 
little from inanimate things ; and have been depriv- 
ed of the sublime and noble exercises of this day, 
and of those endless employments and rejoicings 
for which they prepare us. 

But we have being in the image of the invisible 
God. Our powers of mind are active, rational and 
noble. The harmony and beauties of nature delight 
us ; the wisdom of Divine Providence instructs us ; 
and our contemplations of an infinite and eternal 
Spirit edifies us. The true value of our existence 
may be duly estimated from a view to its endless 
duration ; a hopeful improvement of our rational, 
social and moral powers, and security of the happi- 
ness which results from them. But for the attain- 
ment of so noble an end, how much depends on a 
right use and application of our talents, and a vir- 
tuous improvement of the favours and blessings of 
Providence ! If we rejoice in the possession of any 
present good, or in the prospect of their continuance 
and improvement, it must be with trembling least all 
A 2 



should be lost, and the whole delightful scene be 
changed into sorrow and misery by human folly and 
wickedness. By observing one day at the close of 
every year as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise to 
Almighty God for his past and present mercies, we 
tread the round of custom and laudable example. 
Such a day is not by the special appointment of 
heaven. It in no other way becomes the ordinance 
of God, than by its being appointed by civil govern- 
ment, which the scriptures call the ordinance of 
God. In such an appointment the civil magistrate 
acts in character, and performs an indispensable 
duty both to his God and to his constituents. And 
Christianity instructs its disciples to submit them- 
selves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's 
sake, whether it be to the king as supreme, or unto 
governors, as unto them that are sent for the pun- 
ishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them 
that do well. 

On these occasions we usually take into consider- 
ation the being of God ; his government in the nat- 
ural and moral world ; and his providence in the 
seasons and events before us. And that we may be 
duly thankful for his favors and improved by his 
corrections, it is proper to speak of his mercies and 
talk of all his judgments. The seasons of the year 
generally attract our first attention on a day of 
thanksgiving and praise. We are happy in knowing 
that these seasons are settled and established by a 
perpetual decree. While the earth endures, day 
and night, summer and winter, seed time and har- 



vest shall know their place. Our joys would be 
greatly increased, if other circumstances and events 
inseparably connected with our prosperity and hap- 
piness, but depending much on the doings of men, 
were always directed with such wisdom and order, 
that they might be calculated upon with much the 
same safety and certainty. The goodness of the 
Lord is unchangeable, and his mercies endure for- 
ever. He that labours diligently, and prays in faith 
and confidence for his daily bread, shall always re- 
ceive and enjoy it. Providence may sometimes 
disappoint our hopes by depriving us in part, or in 
the whole, of some particular fruit or grain, and yet 
be bountiful to us in other necessary and comforta- 
ble things. The grades of difference are many be- 
tween plenty and famine, scarcity and want. No 
dearth, followed by distress and famine in which 
the people hungered and died, has ever yet been felt 
in this land. The present year has furnished us 
with sufficient plenty to satisfy ever sober and pious 
mind. O bless the Lord for he is good, and his 
mercy endureth forever ; and let no ingratitude or 
murmuring provoke him to withhold his favours in 
time to come : But trust in the Lord and do good, 
and verily thou shalt dwell in the land and shalt be 
fed. 

The laws of the human frame are less stable and 
permanent, and more easily interrupted, than those 
by which the earth and the seasons are governed. 
The materials of which our bodies are composed j 
the various degrees of weakness and strength visible 
in the constitution of them, and thejr being left more 



e 



to the care and direction of men, account for this 
difference. Their vigor may be increased, and their 
duration extended by temperance and exercise ; 
and they are often recovered from their diseases by 
the healing art. Let these considerations guards 
the hearer against every species of luxury, intem- 
perance and excess, lest he shorten a life, whose 
bounds are sufficiently narrowed by the original 
Maker and final Disposer of all things* Many a 
man has not lived out half the days he might have 
lived, had he used the world without abusing it. Shall 
men so pervert the means of support and comfort as 
to make them minister to their untimely death and 
destruction ? If any rejoice in their revellings and 
excesses, let them rejoice with trembling : For their 
laughter shall soon be turned into mourning, and 
their joy into heaviness. From epidemic diseases, 
which often proceed from air and climate, or some 
predisposition of the body to them 7<t we have been 
mercifully spared. These causes are more imme- 
diately under the direction and influence of heaven. 
So far as Providence has advanced by itself and 
alone, her paths have been marked with wisdom 
and goodness, and have ministered to us health and 
comfort. 

To Providence we are indebted also for the ad- 
vantages and benefits of society. Such a state was 
designed for our happiness, and naturally tends to 
the promotion of it. No happiness on earth is so 
pure and satisfying as that which springs from vir- 
tuous friendship and charitable intercourse : For 
here the weaknesses and wants of individuals are 



supplied by the strength and fulness of the whole ;■ 
And the whole community becomes vigorous, pros- 
perous and happy, when every member contributes 
to the general good. A state of solitude, in which 
none can be found with whom to communicate, is 
gloomy, cheerless and unsatisfying'. Such a condi- 
tion God would not impose upon his creatures. It 
is utterly excluded by the vast number and pecul- 
iar features' and character of his works. 

But when ambition and cupidity, interest and 
avarice, and all the malevolent passions are let loose 
to disturb the natural order of society, and turn 
things into their wrong channels, the change is aw- 
ful and ruinous : And when man becomes the op- 
pressor and persecutor ; the foe and destroyer of- 
man, society is troublesome and afflictive in the 
same proportion as it would have been happy in a 
state of friendship and peace. A spark from these 
unhallowed passions, struck out in any part of this 
habitable world, will sometimes communicate itself 
to the remotest climes. 

The combined influence of these is that leaven 
which leaveneth the whole lump. In this disturbed, 
alienated, and deranged situation, we have for years 
beheld, and still witness the inhabitants of this coun- 
try and nation. Jealousy is substituted for confi- 
dence, and enmity for love. Oar friendship, (if we 
have any) is more like a winter's frost which strips 
the earth of her beauties, and binds it in fetters of 
ice, than like that vernal influence which causes all 
nature to bud and blossom and yield all her rich 
fruits in plenty. Such a situation renders our joy 



10 



m a measure heartless ; and when called to rejoice- 
in any thing present, it is with trembling for the 
future. 

But the question is, whence are all these things ? 
How has it come to pass, that a people, once so well 
united in sentiment and affection ; and in their rev- 
olutionary struggle were successful in defending 
themselves against the sword of oppression and- 
tyranny ; who by their union and exertion obtained 
their liberties; organized themselves a body politic, 
and took a rank among the nations of the earth, 
should become so divided among themselves, that 
many of them are found contending and fighting 
with the American government, the work of their 
own hands ? The history of this political phenome- 
non, if known to some, is no doubt hid from many. 
I shall open and explain some of the principal caus- 
es of these dissensions, much in the order in which 
they appeared among us. 

At the close of the revolution, the American 
colonies were mostly without any form of civil gov- 
ernment. A people, whose liberties had been in- 
vaded and who had been successful in defending 
them, would naturally feel a high sense of their in- 
dependence ; and duly appreciate the freedom they 
had purchased at so dear a price. As they were 
called to devise and adopt forms of civil govern- 
ment for themselves, under these feelings and im- 
pressions, they were jealous of their rights and priv- 
ileges ; but these feelings, however, so far gave way 
to a sense of interest and duty, that our state gov- 
ernments were formed and established wiih but lit- 



11 



Us opposition and difficulty. Having provided thus 
far for their security and happiness, they soon felt 
the want of a general government, in which a portion 
of. the interests and powers of the whole should be 
lodged, for the purpose of connecting and combining 
the States together in a firmer bond of union. This 
gave rise to a Confederation of the States under a 
general Congress. In forming this confederation, 
the same jealousies operated which had been wit- 
nessed and felt in forming the several States govern- 
ment ; but increased by that vastly greater variety 
of interest which the plart embraced. The people 
every where guarded so cautiously against delegat- 
ing too much power to this body of men, lest they 
might abuse it, that it was difficult to obtain enough 
to answer the purposes of such a government. The 
first Congress having only power to advise and re- 
commend, and leaving it with the individual States 
either to adopt or reject their proposals at their 
pleasure ; the event was such as might have been ex- 
pected. While some of them adopted these public 
measures, others rejected them ; by which our 
national affairs became weak and deranged. We 
were still in no situation to adopt any efficient 
jneasures for the great purposes of commerce, col- 
lecting a public revenue, and providing for the de- 
fence of the nation. A sense of our weaknesses 
and wants under this form of government, gave 
rise to the experiment of a federal constitution and 
government which should be permanent, and vest- 
ed with si fficient powers for the accomplishment of 
these and other national purposes. A delegation 



12 



from the States was appointed for this purpose. 
And having devised the plan, they presented it to 
the consideration of the several states in convention j 
which being ratified by two thirds of them, was to 
be binding upon the whole. The people were call- 
ed again to adopt further means and regulations for 
their political defence and security. As the gov- 
ernment was now to be permanent, and this, in all 
probability, was the last time they should ever have 
to act in such a capacity, the same jealousies and 
interests were awaked again. The work certainly 
demanded great wisdom, deliberation and caution. 
That it should progress and be accomplished with- 
out much debate and opposition, was more than 
could be expected. 

A general government was desireable ; and the op- 
position in general was not so much against any con- 
stitution of the kind, as it was what should be its pro- 
visions, and what were the powers, (and for how long 
a time) they should delegate to the intended gov* 
eminent. After several alterations and amend- 
ments had been adopted, and provision made for 
still further amendments, as an express condition of 
its going into effect, the constitution was established. 
If the debate on the several points in controversy 
could have ended here, as they probably ought to 
have done, it would have been happy for us. If af- 
ter its adoption men were willing to support it, 
though it did not bear every feature they wished 
for, it was enough. But they had been heated and 
chafed in the controversy ; and those who advocated 
the constitution as it* was, took to themselves the 



13 



name of federalists. Those who opposed it, though 
Lt were only as to some of its forms and features, 
were by them called anti-federalists. And hence 
arose the first party names that appeared among us 
after the revolution ; and they were repeated with 
more acrimony, and for a greater length of time, 
than justice or policy would allow. But the conse- 
quences of these animosities and dissensions were 
trivial compared with what appeared afterwards. The 
first President was chosen without a dissenting vote ; 
and the other branches of Congress with a good de- 
gree of unanimity. Things went peaceably and well 
till the question of funding the public debt came be- 
fore the national government. None of the emissions 
of our paper money had been redeemed, and some 
thought it was as well to let all our other paper 
money and securities go the same way. That we 
should either redeem the whole of every descrip- 
tion, or none at all. Others were of opinion that 
we had contracted a debt, and that justice demand- 
ed that we should pay it. But whom should we 
pay ? The soldier, whose patience was tired ; wear- 
ied in waiting for his pay ; and having lost his confi- 
dence in the government ; much in want of, and easi- 
ly tempted with money,had parted with his evidence 
of governmental dues for a trifle. Enormous specu- 
lations had been made ; the paper was mostly in 
few hands, and had cost them but little. To pay 
the holder might be coming up to the letter, but not 
to the spirit of justice. The soldier who had borne 
all the fatigues and hardships of war, and dearly 
earned his money in the defer of his country, 
3 



-14 



would still be unpaid and defrauded. Would gov- 
ernment pay both, first the holder of their certifi- 
cates, and afterwards adjust the matter with the 
original possessor, by compensating him for his los- 
ses ? Or would they divide the matter by paying the 
possessor what he gave, and the interest of his money 
that the speculator should lose nothing, and return 
the remainder to the original holder, that neither 
might be injured ? But if justice and honor would 
allow of such a procedure in this extreme case, yet 
it was found difficult, if not impracticable. The 
debt was finally paid to the holders of public securi- 
ties. By this means a few instantly became immense- 
ly rich at the expense and sufferings of others. The 
sudden and wide distinction thus made in the cir- 
cumstances of individuals produced all the effects 
which might have been expected. The soldiers, 
finding that the nation had finally paid to the specu- 
lator what it had long withheld from them ; and 
that they had served their country in a long and 
perilous war, without receiving the promised re- 
ward j became restless and clamorous. Applica- 
tions were long and repeatedly made to the Presi- 
dent and to Congress for compensation, but none 
could be obtained. Waving the question what 
justice and the best policy demanded in this case, 
the event was followed by much envy and jealousy, 
alienation and hatred amcag the citizens. The 
impression has never yet been done away, nor ever 
will be, till the present generation descends to the 
grave. The mere loss of their property, though 
grievous, was not the Cfily evil felt and complained 



of ; they had rather their certificates had sunk af- 
ter the example of the old paper money, than to see 
the demands thus transferred to others. They 
considered that those who had thus increased their 
interests at their expence, had also increased their 
influence, by which they were in danger of losing a 
great portion of that liberty which they had so dear- 
ly purchased j that they were threatened with a pa- 
per nobility, and monied aristocracy ; that the ava- 
rice and ambition of men were never satisfied ; that 
when they have all the money, they next want all 
the power ; and while they are ready to imagine it 
belongs to them of right, they have one of the best 
and most effectual means of securing it. And truly 
those former transactions, viewed in connexion with 
the modern bank speculations, and the influence of 
these institutions and the dealers in them on socie- 
ty, go far to prove the correctness of this opinion. 

By tracing the history of our country, it will be 
found that many dissensions and divisions among 
ourselves have arisen from exterior causes ; from 
Cur commercial relations abroad^ and from the in- 
fluence which foreigners have obtained, and still 
hold among us. Our treaty formed with England 
by Mr. Jay gave rise to much warm debate and ac- 
tual division among us ; but these dissensions in a 
little time began to subside, and gave way to other 
events of much more dangerous consequence. 
France, in the reign of her monstrous Directory, 
depredated our commerce, and went even so far as to 
demand a tribute of our nation. This demand was 
tfirStantly refused, and repelled with a united and in- 



16 



tiignant spirit. She also refused our ambassadors, 
and treated them with indignity and insult, which 
threatened a serious rupture.. Many were for in- 
stantly declaring a war of extermination against her, 
without any further attempt to adjust our differ- 
ences with her ; but our President, in a dignified 
tone, but in the spirit of true policy, though against 
the advice of all his counsel, pursued the line of ne- 
gociation, to final success ; and thus happily saved 
this nation from a war in which we had nothing to 
gain, and much to hazard. For this he was de- 
nounced and forsaken by his former warmest 
friends ; and from that time and for that very act re- 
covered much of the esteem and confidence of those 
who had been opposed to many parts of his admin- 
istration. 

Not far from this period, the French Minister, 
Genet, not meeting with desired success in his 
application to the President and to Congress, im- 
prudently appealed from the government to the peo- 
ple. Such an appeal had a direct tendency to di- 
vide and distract the nation, and to lessen their con- 
fidence in their rulers, and was therefore frown- 
ed upon by every true American. 

This was too favorable a period to be lost by 
Great- Britain ; who seized the opportunity and en- 
endeavored most artfully to detach as great a por- 
tion of the people as she could possibly to her inter- 
ests. At this time the cockade appeared, under the 
pretence of being the mark to distinguish the friends 
from the enemies of our government and nation. 
If any individual choose to add any thing to his* 



17 



own dress, either for use or ornament, he has free 
liberty to do it. But what right has any individual 
or number of persons unauthorised by their govern- 
ment r to assume such a badge in behalf of the whole 
nation, and to draw the bold and false inference 
that every one who will not imitate the example he 
has set up, is a suspicious person ; an enemy to his 
own country; a friend to a foreign nation ; and here- 
by attempt to bring upon him the jealousy, odium 
and scorn of their fellow-citizens ? But had the per- 
sons who were thus easily drawn into this impru- 
dent measure, known at that time, that this badge 
was introduced by William Cobbett, then a British 
emissary, and under British pay, and then editing 
a British paper in the United States, they would 
(many of them no doubt) have proceeded with more 
circumspection and caution in this matter. He 
was undoubtedly at the bottom of all the disturb- 
ance which this folly occasioned among us. For 
after his return to his own country, he wrote 
and published a pamphlet, which I have seen and 
fead, in which he boasted of this among his other 
doings while among us. His nation rewarded him 
handsomely for his labours here : And one of the 
Lords declared in the House that he deserved a stat- 
ue of gold for the services he had rendered them 
while in America.- 

We learn from this circumstance how much of 
fashion may be introduced into politics. However 
trivial such a thing may be in itself, yet. when it is 
made the standard of worth on the one side, and of 
infamy on the other, and men are treated according- 
22 .. 



18 



ly, it then becomes hurtful. And the dissension* 
which sometimes arose, and the abuses and re- 
proaches which followed, made impressions which 
have never been worn away. It might have been 
better to have gone bareheaded in all that time ; 
than to have introduced this invidious distinction 
among citizens. 

About this time also arose a faction, headed by 
Mr. Hamilton, and happy would it have been for 
America, if it had died with him ; but it has ever 
since continued and is in existence at this day. 
President Adams, who was fettered and galled by 
them ra all his administration, has, in his history, 
now publishing, exposed this faction to public view. 
Hamilton assumed a kind of dictatorship. Unso- 
licited he brought forward his plans of public meas- 
ures, and told the government what they must do. 
The President met with such stubborn opposition, 
that he was obliged to dismiss his Sscretary (one of 
this junto) in order to untrammel himself. The 
faction, with this Pickering at the head, is still in ex- 
istence, and continue leaders in what is called the 
federal party among us. They were ostensibly the 
friends of President Adams, and of his administra- 
tion ; but Hamilton was their idol. And by a kind 
of management peculiar to themselves, they did 
more to prevent the re-election of Mr. Adams than 
any other men among us. They have obstinately 
opposed our own government in almost every thing 
for more than eight years, and have as long vindi- 
cated and supported Great-Britain in all her injuries 
and aggressions upon us. In some cases where she 
did not and could not support herself, she found ad- 



19 



vocates in America. When Britain attacked one 
of our national ships within our own waters ; mur- 
dered some of her crew and impressed others into 
her service, the President issued his proclamation 
excluding her armed ships from our waters, and de- 
nying them accustomed hospitalities, until repara- 
tion should be made. This measure was at the 
first very popular. The opposition papers in Bos- 
ton commended it ; called it a temperate, dignified 
State paper. 

• The inhabitants of this town appeared to be unan- 
imous on this subject. In an answer to a letter 
from the people of Norfolk on this affair, they 
pledged themselves with their fortunes for the sup- 
port of the government in any measures they might- 
see fit to adopt in support of its injured honor, and in 
defence of its invaded rights. Every thing assum- 
ed the appearance of returning harmony among us. 
We were now about to move hand in hand in sup- 
port of our interests and rights. But no sooner was 
an embargo laid, which was not at first a party 
measure, though it was afterwards made one, these 
men immediately seized upon it, and made it an oc- 
casion to vilify and oppose their own government. 
They said it was unconstitutional and oppressive •; 
that the citizens were not bound to obey it, but had 
the same right to go with their ships and goods 
where they pleased, as though it had not been laid. 
They first broke the law, and then instead of cen- 
suring themselves as they ought to have done, they 
brought their transgressions to prove that the mea- 
sure was weak and useless. An insurrection was 
on the point of breaking out. A dissolution of the 



20 



union of the states was threatened, and a northern 
confederacy talked of as the only thing that coul d 
save our country. 

Great-Britain* was again supported by these men 
"in the very things for which they had just before 
condemned her. In every attempt to adjust the dif- 
ferences between her and ourselves, they took the 
side of our enemies. They said Britain was ready 
to make us honorable reparations j and had offered it; 
but our government would not accept them. These 
assertions were repeated with confidence after the 
arrangement with Mr. Erskine was made. When 
this arrangement was completed, they said, how 
stupid and foolish our government have been, and 
what sufferings they have brought upon the people 
without any cause. They have done at last what 
they ought to have done at first. The same terms 
have been offered us all along, and we might have 
had them a year ago. The falsity of these asser- 
tions soon appeared : for no sooner did Great-Brit- 
ain know what their minister had. done, than they 
disavowed the arrangement; declared they had 
given him no such orders, and that he had acted 
without authority. We have now an evidence 
from her own mouth and doings, that she never 
made us these proposals, as asserted by her parti- 
zans ; and therefore the complaints against our gov- 
ernment in.this affair,are, or ought to be put at rest, 
to awake no more. Another minister has made 
his appearance ; but it is only to insult us. Instead 
of offering us any reparation, our government are 
rather censured for believing Mr. Erskine, and arc 



21 



told to their faces that they knew at the time they 
made the arrangement with him, that he was unau- 
thorized by his government. How long shall we 
be insulted and abased by this nation ? And what 
hopes have we of receiving indemnity at her hands ? 
If we must appeal to our arms, and war must en- 
sue, let us be timely prepared for the event, and 
meet it manfully. Officers, where are your swords ? 
Soldiers, where are your arms ? On you we rely, 
under Providence, for support and defence in this 
perilous day. Obey the calls of your government,, 
and stand firm in support of the honors and in- 
terest of your country. Guard against that revolt- 
ing and disorganizing spirit which has appeared a- 
mong us. If indulged and cherished, it will prove 
the death of our independence, and the grave of our 
dearest rights and privileges. 

The physical strength of every nation is in the 
governed, and every thing depends on uniting that 
strength, and directing it to a point. What is the 
head when severed from the members of the body ? 
What is a general without his army ? And what is 
the legislative body of a nation when deserted and 
even opposed by their constituents ? If when they 
enact laws for the public good, and call for the 
sword in defence of our common interests, the peo- 
ple shall revoke their edicts, and refuse obedience, 
there is an end, not only to national honor, but to 
national existence. The cause is all your own. 
The government and the people so called, are 
not so properly two distinct things, as one and 
indivisible. Government is nothing else than a na- 



22' 



don organized and fitted to support and defend itself. 
Government we must have. We must confide the 
direction and management of our public affairs to 
some men ; and to whom can we confide them with 
more safety than to men of our own choice : to men 
taken from among ourselves, and who remain so 
connected with the people as to feel and partake witlv 
them of all the effects of their own doings ? There 
are some who appear tobe willing to support govern- 
ment so long as they can govern the government, and ' 
no longer. This would be subvertingthe natural or- 
der of things, and throwing the whole into confu- 
sion. It is like directing us to look for the head a- 
mong che members. When men talk loudly of 
their individual rights, they ought to remember that 
others have rights as well as they. We ought ever 
to remember that the powers we have delegated to » 
others, we do not retain : that it is as much the 
right and duty of our rulers to direct and govern 
our national concerns according to their best wis- 
dom and ability, as it was ours to elect them into 
their respective offices. 

The peculiar state of our country and of its af- 
fairs invite these observations. 

Let us obey the calls of duty, and still trust in 
that Providence which never overlooks nor forsakes - 
the virtuous in their troubles. Though we may be 
afflicted, we shall not be forsaken ; though cast 
down, we shall not be destroyed. The Lord reign- 
eth, let the earth rejoice — the Lord reigneth, let 
the people tremble.. 



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